November 1918 Chronicle of white terror in Russia. Repressions and lynchings (1917–1920). Formation of the German Communist Party

Relevance of the research topic. Events of the civil war of 1917-1922. occupy a special place in the history of Russia. Unique in its scale? intensity; and the complexity of the processes taking place; influence on global development, in its > diverse ^ to this day. Since its consequences have not yet been exhausted, the civil war is one of the largest social catastrophes in history.

The civil war extremely aggravated all types of contradictions, which turned Russian society into a fatal conglomerate; warring political forces, and the former Russian Empire - into a mosaic of “state formations” created by these forces, which were in a state of fierce armed struggle.

State Power Study; Russian; counter-revolution is of great scientific interest. Without such a study, it is impossible to understand the nature of the historical alternative that the anti-Bolshevik movement represented and, ultimately, the reasons for the latter’s defeat in the civil war.

Historiography. Civil/war theme? always - had; in domestic historiography the priority is character; although in > different ways; reasons. For > Soviet researchers; the history of this period was inextricably linked with the legitimation of the ruling regime: it demonstrated the success of the leadership of the Communist Party; the effectiveness of the Soviet state; and the bankruptcy of their political and ideological opponents. Emigrant authors turned to the topic of the civil war primarily in search of: answers to questions about the reasons for the defeat: the anti-Bolshevik movement. Modern Russian historiography often sees in this era numerous parallels with the events of our days. This continued interest has generated a very large research literature.

The results of the study of the civil war were repeatedly summarized in special publications. historiographic publications. Analysis of Soviet research literature on the history of the Russian Civil War; was given in monographs and articles by I.L. Sherman, D.K. Shelestova, N.F.: Vargina, S.F. Naida, JI.Mi Spirina, 31M: Androsenkova, V.P: Naumova, A.L. Litvina and others1 They show that Soviet historical science is based on theory! class struggle and the development of a significant source base; a holistic, internally consistent concept of the history of civil wars in Russia was created. The civil war was viewed as a struggle of workers and toiling peasants, the Red Army under the leadership of the Communist Party for the defense of the gains of the socialist revolution , for the creation of a new social system against internal and external counter-revolution. The main part of Soviet research literature is devoted to the history of the forces of the revolution.

Soviet historiography of the civil war in Siberia and other regions of the east. Russia has been subject to critical scrutiny in

2 3 articles, and monographs by M.E. Plotnikova, V.I.; Shishkina, AL. Litvina^, I.V: Naumova5, in the dissertation of L.F. Garipova These authors came to the conclusion that, in general, regional literature remained common to. all historiography! Soviet-era thematic structure. It was noted that Soviet researchers * introduced a large volume of sources on civil history into scientific circulation; wars; in Siberia, attempts were made to determine the specifics of the phenomena being studied, their scale, role and place in the events of the civil war in Russia;

In recent years VL; Buldakov, V.D. Ziminosh, F.A. Bordyugodvym, A.I. Ushakov and V.Yu. Churakov made attempts to re-understand the Soviet historiography of the civil war. Modern historiographers have come to the conclusion that Soviet literature devoted to this topic was characterized by a biased selection^ and large gaps in the use of sources, an ideological task caused by! class approach, a tendency towards simplified schematization, and, as one of the inevitable consequences, a significant imbalance in the coverage of the forces of revolution and counter-revolution, which left the latter on the periphery of research interest.

Along with and in many ways* in parallel with Soviet historians, researchers were studying the history of the civil war; belonged to the Russian post-revolutionary emigration^

This literature has also been subject to historiographical analysis in; monographs by A.I.; Ushakova^0,.N.A. Omelchenko!1, the above-mentioned book V1D. Zimina12, Yu.N; Emelyanova!3, publications by L.E. Mezit14 and Yu.N. Tsipkina15. Researchers noted that emigrant historiography; The civil war focused on the history of the counter-revolution and, above all, on the reasons for the defeat of the anti-Bolshevik forces. This literature was characterized by a specific, primarily memoir, source base; ideological pluralism, often biased; journalistic nature of the presentation.

After 1991, a new stage began in the development of domestic historical science. The collapse of the Soviet Union; the liquidation of the CPSU, the social crisis that engulfed; Russia and other former Soviet republics have sharply increased interest in the history of the civil war, often even acquiring a sensational and opportunistic character. Attempts to comprehend? modern research process has been attempted repeatedly. We are talking about those already mentioned; publications V.P. Buldakova, V.D. Zimina; F.A. Bordyugova, A.I.; Ushakova and V.Yu. Churakov, as well as devoted to modern Russian historiography of the civil war, the anti-Bolshevik movement? dissertation

16 17 18 tions V:T. Tormozova, A.S. Vereshchagin, monographs by VZh.Goldin,

V.V; Rybnikova, T.A. Nemchinova, essay by A.IO. Suslov, article 22

A.A. Korobkina.

Historiographers have noted the following characteristic features of modern! research literature on the history of the Civil War: a significant expansion of the range of sources used, priority development of regional and local history, a sharp increase in attention to the camp of opponents of the Bolshevik government. Serious difficulties they are; they see it as an unresolved methodological crisis, impeding a deep and detailed analysis, pushing; researchers: either to extreme empiricism or to outright journalisticism;

Naturally, that's history! Siberian? the counter-revolution first attracted: the attention of the authors; who themselves were directly related to the anti-Bolshevik movement. There are three to note; major publications; dedicated to politics! stories; counter-revolutionary movement in Nashostok Russia: this was published^ in 1930-1931. three volume

23 amazing Russian historian-S.P. Melgunov, published in 19321. a book by a major Socialist Revolutionary publicist; editor of the famous emigrant magazine “Modern Notes” MiBi Vishniac?4, published in 1937, a voluminous work of one of the “fathers” of Russian sociology,

25 major military theorist, professor N.N. Golovin. These studies, despite their ideological differences, had much in common. In terms of sources, they were based primarily on a limited number of memoirs; materials were used to a much lesser extent; press, documentary publications; published in the USSR and in exile:

S.P. Melgunov is the main reason; defeats? anti-Bolshevism in the east: the country considered the activities of the Socialist Revolutionary party. - In the entire anti-Bolshevik struggle in: the east of Russia, from its very inception! V. late 1917-early 1918 and to * Irkutsk; disasters of the turn: 1919-1920 He? saw the implementation of two projects: the Socialist Revolutionary “party plan, put forward in essence in Chernov’s note presented to the French mission in Moscow,” and the “national plan” opposed to it, by which the Union agreement was meant! revival of Russia and the National Center: in Moscow in January 1918. In his opinion; It was the Socialist Revolutionaries, who undermined the “social contract” in the anti-Bolshevik camp in order to establish the monopoly power of their party, who made a coup d’état inevitable

November 18, 1918 In all the political conflicts of the autumn of 1918, c. including in the events of the end of September 1918, according to S.P. Melgunova; the initiative also belonged exclusively to the Social Revolutionaries. As a result of the poor source base and polemical and apologetic orientation, S.P. Melgunov’s book contains many factual errors and tendentious interpretations.

Fundamentally different from S.P. Melgunov, interpreted the history of the anti-Bolshevik movement in the east of Russia by M.V. Cherry. He considered Komuch’s most important merit to be the preservation of the only “full-fledged” legitimate basis - the origin of the popularly elected All-Russian Constituent Assembly and the presence in the political structure of a representative body legally elected by the population. None of the other anti-Bolshevik regimes in Russia during the years of the civil war had such a basis. The lack of military dictatorial regimes' democratic legitimacy, in his opinion, did not give them the opportunity to receive full-scale assistance from Western democracies and was the main reason for their defeat.

According to M.V. Vishnyak, the immediate "reason for the failure of the Socialist Revolutionary state practice in the east of Russia was the irreconcilable position of the right circles (and, above all, the Provisional Siberian Government), who boycotted the power of Komuch and, to the best of their ability, opposed it; The more general reason for this was in the immaturity of Fussian youth and the Russian people as a whole; they developed for too long under the yoke of autocracy, and failed to master them.

27 democratic principles as immutable values. Due to the polemical nature of the narrative and low professionalism in the book by M.V. There is even more cherry content than< у С.П. Мельгунова, фактических несоответствий и спорных оценок.

H. Hl Golovin's work is mainly devoted to events that took place in the European part of the country; only one of the twelve parts of his book is devoted to events in the east of Russia. The facts of this part were gleaned from. mainly * from the previously published book by S.P. Melgunov, supplemented by several memoirs and documentaries; publications, small; number of newspaper accounts. Of greatest interest are the general conceptual ones. provisions; expressed by N.N. Golovin. Approaching the understanding of the history of the civil war from a sociological position, he considered the counter-revolution “as one of a hundred

28 ron of the dialectically developing process-revolution." N.N. Golovin noted that “the counter-revolutionary movement is an extremely complex complex”, which; was formed by the “restoration movement, nationalism, protest against the destruction” of the state, by those democratic forces that, although * they participated at the beginning of the revolution in the destruction of the old regime that constrained social progress, but< стремились остановить, революционный^ процесс на уровне, представлявшем благоприятные: условия >for the development of their political and social

29 ideals". Regarding the reasons for the defeat of the Russian counter-revolution, H.Hi. Golovin stated that “the various currents of the Russian counter-revolution did not find a common language,” in addition, in his opinion, its “normal development” was hampered by the “external war” (in particular, the uprising of the Czechoslovaks on the Volga and Siberia), which caused; “pre-temporary explosions in the emerging centers of counter-revolution”.

A narrow source base and significant ideological bias deprived? emigrant researchers of the anti-Bolshevik movement? in: Siberia, an opportunity to avoid schematism and show the complexity of the political process that took place in the east of Russia. As already noted in the literature, “emigrant? historiography? bears the stamp of bias, but, unlike Soviet historiography, it was not characterized by unanimity”^1. It is these diverse interpretations and explanatory constructions that are of main interest in the research of emigrant historians.

IN; In Soviet historical literature, the history of the anti-Bolshevik movement in Siberia in 1918 first became the subject of scientific research” in the 1920s. The first publication on this topic was the book by P.S. Parfenova; founded; on a significant number of attracted sources for the literature of that time: sources, first of all, materials

32 press4. P.S. Parfenov noted the political heterogeneity of the Siberian counter-revolution. Onshisal that the “unanimity and like-mindedness” characteristic of the counter-revolution before the anti-Bolshevik > speech was very quickly lost after it, and it “increasingly

33 and more was divided into various camps hostile to each other." Assessing the results of the State Conference in Ufa, P.S. Parfenov argued that, despite; the numerical predominance of Samara supporters at the meeting, the results of the forum were a defeat; Komucha^4. It should be noted that this book in; contains a lot? factual inaccuracies, errors, and even direct ones; falsification. A striking example is... the latter is a description of the reasons ^ the circumstances of the resignation* of the general

35 la A.N: Grishina-Almazova.

History of the anti-Bolshevik underground, its leadership centers.

36 dedicated his articles to V:D. Wegman> .V;their author examined the process of creating the Siberian Regional Duma and the Autonomous Provisional Government; Siberia, the emergence, structure and sources of financing of the anti-Bolshevik underground, preparation and conduct of the anti-Bolshevik coup.

37 parts of her book devoted to Siberian events relied primarily on materials^ by P.S. Parfenova. In addition, she used the memoirs of figures of the East Russian counter-revolution and the declarative acts and directive documents of the Provisional Siberian Government published by that time; Directories; Czechoslovak National Council, etc. Thanks to this, she was able to shed light on the political process in the east of Russia in 1918 in somewhat more detail. V!: Vladimirova came to the conclusion that “attempts by the Socialist Revolutionaries to sit down as rulers in Siberia suffered: immediate collapse,” explained -I mean that political defeat is “the constant fate of the counter-revolutionary petty bourgeoisie, which; opposes the proletariat only for; in order to give all the power to the big bourgeois restoration.”

V. 193 0s - 1950s the study of the history of the anti-Bolshevik movement in Siberia practically ceased. The progressive development of historiography has been resumed since the late 1950s. IN; In the 1960s - 1980s, a number of publications appeared covering the emergence of and. activities of Siberian anti-Bolshevik governments, political struggle in the anti-Bolshevik movement.

M.E. was one of the first to address the problems of the history of state power of the Siberian counter-revolution. Plotnikova. In 1964 she

39 published an article in which she delivered; important questions about the specifics of the Provisional Siberian Government in comparison with others; counter-revolutionary governments in the east of Russia, about the party and political affiliation of its members, about the role of the Provisional Siberian Government in the preparation of the Kolchak coup: The main conclusion of MiE. Plotnikova was that the composition and leadership of the Provisional Siberian Government was dominated by “people closely associated with “business and” circles,” and its Administrative Council was completely “cadet-monarchical.” This most important fact, according to M: E. Plotnikova, a number of consequences: the Provisional Siberian Government > openly, clearly and decisively > returned Siberia to: pre-revolutionary orders: it clearly distanced itself from separatist ideas; it managed to subjugate other centers of power in Siberia and the Far East; “uncomplainingly carried out the will of the Anglo-French and American imperialists.” Thus, the specific feature of the Provisional Siberian Government, according to M.E. Plotnikova, was that of all the “white governments” that arose in the summer of 1918 in the Volga region. on

In the Urals, in Siberia and the Far East, it was “the most counter-revolutionary” and therefore “more actively and more openly contributed to the establishment of the Kolchak dictatorship in Siberia”40.

In another article devoted to the problems of the history of the democratic counter-revolution, M.E. Plotnikova; more: she examined in detail the history of the “Omsk government”, confirming her previous conclusions and even strengthening them with the statement that in Siberia the period of democratic counter-revolution ended long before the pre-Kolchak coup: “The first step in eliminating the Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik stage of the counter-revolution was the transfer of power into the hands; Omsk government, and the emergence of the Administrative Council and the dissolution of the Regional Duma logically completed this process”41.

In 1966, a book was published: “Overturned? Rear”, written by the former commander of the 5th Red Army G.H. Eiche and “dedicated to: the history of the civil war in eastern Russia in 1917-1919.42 In addition to directly related to the history of military actions; G.Kh. Eiche considered in passing, relying primarily on documents from the command of the Siberian Army, individual episodes of the history of the struggle for

43 power in the camp of counter-revolution. Exactly this,. as well as the non-dogmatic research approach have led to reproaches from professional historians for being “excessive; passion for the problem: state of affairs

44 internal decay: the Siberian counter-revolution". However, this “excessive enthusiasm” allowed G.Kh. Eiche draw a number of valuable conclusions: G.Kh. Eiche was the first in historical literature to draw attention to this: a factor in the process of struggle between counter-revolutionary governments! for hegemony = in the east of Russia, as the state of the armed forces subordinate to them, in particular noted that in the fall of 1918 the influence of the Omsk government was based on the strength of the hundred-thousand-strong Siberian Army it created*?5. Considering the political struggle in the period of the Directory, he came to the conclusion that at that time three forces, three “counter-revolutionary groups” acted in the arena of the struggle for power: firstly, the Provisional All-Russian Government, secondly, the Omsk government and , thirdly, “military groups” that sought to “free themselves from political tutelage and act as an independent1 force”46. New to Soviet literature was the important statement that “the events in Omsk on November 18 were caused by a number of objective reasons; and not just the machinations of the imperialists”47.

Studying history; state power of the democratic counter-revolution in Russia were? devoted to monographs of articles by V.V. Garmi

48 ~ PS He subjected a special analysis to the political history of the Socialist Revolutionary governments that arose in different parts of the country in 1918. The focus is on V.V. Garmiza was the history of the Samara Committee of Members; All-Russian Constituent Assembly. Siberian: anti-Bolshevism was considered only incidentally, in order to more clearly highlight the history of the largest Socialist Revolutionary government during the civil war in Russia.

In general, the entire political history of the summer - autumn of 1918 V.V: Gar-miza explained the tasks of political mimicry facing< перед ослабленной; Октябрьской революцией буржуазно-помещичьейj реакцией, временно выдвинувшей на; первый план мелкобуржуазных политиче

49 Chinese figures.

V.V: Garmiza again turned to the problem of the specifics of the Siberian counter-revolution. The researcher noted that the composition and policy of the “business apparatus” of the West Siberian Commissariat turned out to be significantly to the right; Samara Council of Department Managers. In his opinion, it was this circumstance that played an important role in; the future fate of the West Siberian Commissariat?0.

V.V. Garmiza argued that the Provisional Siberian Government was “essentially bourgeois.”51 He believed that a struggle had unfolded between the Provisional Siberian Government and the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, which went “both externally, between the Siberian Government and Komuch, and internally, between The Siberian government with a predominantly Socialist-Revolutionary regional Duma." In his opinion, it was precisely due to the bourgeois nature of the Siberian government that the outcome of this conflict was predetermined, since "the class struggle does not recognize middle paths." V. Garmiza wrote that in reality “the Directorate was the government of the bourgeoisie

52 zia and landowners and defended the interests of these classes.”

Was dedicated to the political history of the Siberian counter-revolution;

53 row statesh S.G. Livshitsa. In the first of; In them, he briefly described the circumstances1 of the coming to power of the West Siberian Commissariat, examined the policy of the Commissariat on the formation of the army, in the field of ownership of industrial enterprises and land holdings, the legal and organizational foundations of the “White Terror” and the practice of persecuting figures of Soviet power, the relationship of the Commissariat with leadership of the Czechoslovak Corps and representatives of the Allies. S.G. Livshits came to the conclusion that; that all the activities of the West Siberian Commissariat were aimed at the restoration of capitalist orders, as it were; the commissariat and the Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik circles that supported it were only an instrument in the hands of “itself; black reaction", necessary for it in the early stages after the overthrow of the Soviet regime. S.G. Livshits characterized the transfer of power by the West Siberian Commissariat to the Provisional Siberian Government as the "removal of the Socialist Revolutionaries from power" and its transfer into the hands of "right-wing bourgeois groups, supporters “strong” power”54.

In another article by S.G. Livshits examined first of all the history of the relationship between the Omsk government and the allies, reducing the reasons to the influence of the Entente; all political changes in the camp of the Siberian counter-revolution. He completely unfoundedly claimed that he was the most right-wing; part of the Provisional Siberian Government enjoyed the full support of the interventionists.

Finally, in an article devoted to the Kolchak coup, S.G. Livshits examined the situation in: the east of Russia: summer - autumn 1918, and; covered the preparation and conduct of the Omsk coup, mainly paying attention to aspects related to the role of interventionists and the influence of foreign policy factors in general. S.G. Livshits came to the conclusion that “since the end of the summer of 1918, the Entente relied on the Provisional Siberian Government.” Among the reasons for this choice, the researcher named the removal of the “Siberian regionalists” from its composition and the suppression by force in September 1918. their attempts: to return to power. Other controversial; output iC.F. Livshits made a statement that the Ufa Directory did not enjoy the support of its allies, who allegedly reacted negatively even to the fact of its election. The researcher saw the main reason for the Omsk coup in the influence of representatives of the Entente, whose leaders allegedly made a unanimous decision on the need

55 put a military dictator at the head of the Russian counter-revolution.

For the first time, the history of the Siberian counter-revolution, its state power and political evolution on a broad and diverse basis! the source base was reviewed in the monograph by G.Z; Ioffe56.

G.Z. Ioffe wrote that it was political; The base of power of the Provisional Siberian Government was the “Socialist Revolutionary-Kadet-monarchist coalition.” At the same time, he drew attention to the existence of the anti-Bolshevik movement in the political spectrum: not two, but three components. Characterizing the party-political composition of the Council of Ministers of the Provisional Siberian Government, he quite traditionally noted that “there were two wings” in it. The left was made up of “truly right-wing Socialist-Revolutionaries and Socialist-Revolutionaries,” the right was made up of activists; “actually occupying cadet and pro-monarchist positions.” However, along with these two orientations, G.Z. Ioffe recorded the presence of “a certain ‘center’ that maintains the balance of the two flanks.” However, he did not draw any far-reaching conclusions from this observation; and the role of the center was reduced only to “covering up” the actions of “real politicians” on the right and left, formalizing “temporary balance” between the “right Socialist Revolutionaries and groups close to them” and the “bourgeois-landlord reaction.” Osh for the first time drew attention to such a phenomenon in the history of state power: Siberian anti-Bolshevism as the “Mikhailov group”, but its role in political evolution; Omsk authorities did not attract much attention ■ researcher?7.

G.Z. Ioffe drew attention to the connection between the events in Omsk on September 20-22 and the struggle: at the State Conference; in Ufa, assessing them as “a kind of trial balloons launched by the parties negotiating in Ufa—the Socialist Revolutionaries-founders and the cadet-monarchist White Guards.” Results; of the State Conference itself G.Z. Ioffe; determined; as follows: “The Ufa compromise, which gave an opportunistic one; tactical * gain< учредиловской; „демократической" контрреволюции; потенциально, стратегически нес в себе успех кадет-ско-монархической реакции». Он считал, что именно «полуэсеровско-полукадетская Директория. всей своей политикой по. существу подго

58 meant a new Kornilovism - Kolchakism.”

G.Z: Ioffe argued that the main role in preparing the Kolchak coup was played by representatives of the interventionists and the Kadet party: He; criticized this in the memoirs of G.K. Hins interpretation of the coup of November 18, 1918 as the result of “an almost spontaneous development of events, in which he himself; Kolchak did not play any significant role1

59 right up to the very last moment." Unlike M.E. Plotnikova i and G.Kh. Eiche, role in preparing the coup members<Временного Сибирского правительства Г.З. Иоффе оценивал как не. очень крупную: по его- мнению, сперва возникла «конспирация Пепеляева», в; которую лишь на последнем этапе; 1 ноября; 1918 г.,. оказался втянут И.А. Ми-60 хаилов.

Despite; dignity - given; monograph, it should be noted that the history of the Provisional Siberian Government is described in it very schematically. Outside the scope of consideration there remained questions of legal and institutional: the evolution of the highest bodies of state power of Siberian anti-Bolshevism. The researcher paid practically no attention to such key points; like the Chelyabinsk meetings in July and August 1918, the convening and work of the Siberian Regional Duma in August 1918, acute? the battle that unfolded over the formation of the Provisional Regional Government of the Urals. A number of other important episodes were clearly insufficiently covered and with serious inaccuracies; This remark primarily relates to the circumstances of the resignation of the first commander of the Siberian Army, General A.N. Grishin-Almazov and; negotiations on the creation of the Council of Ministers of the Provisional All-Russian Government in October 1918.

Consideration of the history of the formation of a bloc of counter-revolutionary forces in the territory4 of Siberia and evolution! The Siberian regime to an undisguised bourgeois dictatorship is devoted to dissertations in a number of JliA articles. Chic-61 is new.

Significant attention to JliA. Shikanov devoted a discussion to the issue of “the scientific content of the term “democratic” counter-revolution,” as a result of which the author came to the conclusion that it is inadmissible for Marxist historical science to use this “scientifically incorrect term,” which is! “a derivative* of the unscientific concept of petty-bourgeois democracy.” Instead, its author proposed the term “petty bourgeois”, which is more defined from a class point of view.

62nd counter-revolution".

Main; achievement of his dissertation JI.A. Shikanov considered confirmation to be factual material; expressed by M.E. Plotnik's hypothesis about that; that “in Siberia the counter-revolutionary forces took a shorter path to open reaction than in the Volga region.” In his opinion; “The Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks began Kolchakism in Siberia even before Kolchak came to power”63.

In addition, his dissertation contains a number of erroneous provisions. Considering the history of the formation of the anti-Bolshevik bloc in Siberia in winter - spring; 1918 JI.A. Shikanov came to the conclusion that the unification of right and left anti-Bolshevik forces “was not institutionalized”; proving the reactionary nature of the Directory's policy, he argued that the Provisional All-Russian Government had liquidated the Congress of Members of the Constituent Assembly64.

Evaluating publications JI:A. Shikanov, it must be admitted. that his publications and conclusions were in many ways not so much concrete historical as formal, scholastic-Marxist in nature, and were a step back in development; historiography of the Siberian counter-revolution.

Political upheavals* 1991-1993 caused fundamental changes: in the study of civil history; war. From that time on, gradually increasing. There was a process of transformation of domestic historical science, the formation of modern Russian historiography. The number of publications devoted to the history of state power of Russian, and> Siberian in particular, anti-Bolshevism has increased sharply. Enough; call those dedicated to the all-Russian? topics of the monograph, dissertation and article by V.P. Slobodina65, S.V. Ustinkina^6, V.D. Zimina67, Yu.D. Grazhdanova68, G.A. Trukana69, B.F. Medvedeva70,

71 72 dedicated to the history of the “white” South - A.V. Venkova, V.P. Fedyuk? ,

Yu.D. Grazhdanova, Ya.A. Butakova, A.D. Sukhenko, the “white” North;

North-West-V:I. Goldina, A.V. Smolin, history of Siberia and

78 79 other regions of eastern Russia-N.S. Larkova, M.V: Shilovsky,

80 81 82 A.D: Kazanchieva, Yu:N. Tsipkina; , V.A. Lapandina, I.F: Plotniko

83 84 85 86 va, V.G. Medvedeva, V.M. Rynkova, A.V. Dobrovolsky, L.N.

Varlamova, D.G. Simonova, V.A. Kozhevnikova, V.I. Vasilevsko

90 91 92 93 = , S.P. Zvyagina, S.S. Balmasova: , E.A. Pleshkevich. In addition, a number of articles and a monograph by the Canadian

94 researchersPereira.

An important place among them is occupied by the publications of N.S. Larkova. In his monograph, he showed the history of the origins of the anti-Bolshevik armed underground, the preparation and implementation of the anti-Bolshevik coup. However, the most serious step forward in understanding the political history of the Siberian anti-Bolshevik regime were the conclusions formulated by him in his doctoral dissertation and two special articles devoted to the events of September 1918.

So, N.S. Larkov, using a large amount of factual material, showed that the presence of armed forces and levers of control over the army was the most important guarantee of the real political influence of the “centers of power” operating in the political arena of eastern Russia95.

N.S. Larkov gave a description of the three main centers of gravity of political forces on the territory of Siberia during the period under review, as: which, in his opinion, were, first of all, the Socialist Revolutionary Party, career officers and "adherents of political centrism", in particular , regional liberals96. The historian rightly noted; that “from the field of view of researchers; as a rule, the liberal-centrist movement falls out in the ranks of anti-pain

97 Shevite resistance in Siberia". However, N.S. Larkov somewhat simplistically described the Provisional Siberian Government - without taking into account the coalition nature of its composition - as “gravitating towards centrism.”

It is also difficult to agree with the classification of H1C. Larkov Union of Revival

98 denies of Russia to the “forces of right-wing orientation”.

N.S. Larkov gave me a new one; a deeper interpretation of the Omsk events of the beginning of September; 1918, associated with the resignation of the Siberian commander A.N.; Grishin-Almazov, who appreciated; as a serious political crisis, which was, in turn, an integral part of a larger and deeper crisis of power that shook Siberia in the fall

1918 He criticized G.Z: Ioffe’s point of view on the events of the end of September 1918, expressing the opinion that the struggle; between the three currents of the Siberian counter-revolution, which began during the underground period, went on continuously, and in September 1918. reached its highest intensity, resulting in violent forms100. However, N;S. Larkov only incidentally touched upon the influence of the Ufa negotiation process on the Omsk-Tomsk events of September 1918, generally underestimating their interrelations. Having examined the prerequisites for the establishment8 of the Kolchak dictatorship, HlC. Larkov also focused almost exclusively on Siberian factors, especially highlighting the strengthening of the political influence of the Siberian Army.

For the first time in Russian historiography: N.S. Larkov clearly formulated the fundamental thesis that one of the main reasons for the defeat of Siberian anti-Bolshevism in the civil war was its socio-political heterogeneity<х 101 ность, порождавшая острую борьбу за власть.

A number of publications are devoted to the issues of the political history of the Siberian counter-revolution; M.V; Shilovsky. Results; These studies are presented by him in a general monograph102.

M.V; Shilovsky postulated the emergence at the end of 1917 of an “anti-Bolshevik coalition”, a “petty-bourgeois bloc”, which included “SRs, people’s socialists,. part of the Mensheviks, regionalists, co-operators, zemstvos and nationals, under the leadership of the Socialist Revolutionaries,” and after the election of the Provisional Government of Autonomous Siberia” in January 1918 - “the unification of all counter-revolutionary elements: territories.” However, after the overthrow of the Soviet regime, in his opinion, power passed precisely to the “petty-bourgeois bloc.” The representatives of its interests were the “petty-bourgeois in composition” West Siberian Commissariat and the Provisional Siberian Government3.

M.V. Shilovsky expressed the opinion that in September 1918, “under the pressure of the right, the collapse of the petty-bourgeois bloc occurred” and its right: part (regionalists-Potaninites, co-operators and leaders of national organizations, non-Russian peoples)” went over to the side of the cadets. Namely; around these political groups “the petty-bourgeois and bourgeois intelligentsia, constituting the majority of the All-Russian Council4 of Ministers, united. Ultimately, according to the researcher, it was the right part of the petty-bourgeois counter-revolution that ensured the transition to a military dictatorship.”

M1B. Shilovsky also expressed his assessment of a number of more specific issues in the political history of Siberia during the period of democratic counter-revolution. Thus, he does not agree with the assessment established in the literature of the transfer of power from the commissariat to the Council of Ministers of the Provisional Siberian Government as “a clear defeat of the Socialist Revolutionaries and; positions of the right”, considering that it was not derived by researchers from the analysis of the situation< конца? июня 1918 г., а лишь искусственно распространена на это время, «исходя из последующих событий-1918 г.»105 По мнению М.В. Шиловского, большинство членов Административного совета Временного Сибирского правительства* не имело «четко выраженной; партийной и политической ориентации»,. что не мешает исследователю отнести их к самостоятельному политическому направлению

106" centrist.

M.V. Shilovsky; drew attention to the fact that the Omsk events of September 21-22, 1918 “could not help but be reflected in Ufa,” but reduced their influence to the fact that “the Social Revolutionaries and their allies rejected the claims” of the Provisional Siberian Government to the role of the Council of Ministers under Directories. The Ufa meeting itself M.V.; Shilovsky; describes the process of negotiations; representatives of two flanks of the anti-Bolshevik movement: the left, to which he includes Komuch and the Union for the Revival of Russia, and the right, led by the Provisional Siberian Government-07. Assessing the results of the Ufa meeting, he writes that they

108 were “a compromise between the Socialist Revolutionaries and the Right.”

In his monograph M.V. Shilovsky introduced many new sources into scientific circulation and illuminated many issues in the political history of Siberia! counter-revolution. However, not all problems of this topic were resolved in it. Concentrated on the history of party-political organizations and groups, this study largely leaves out the consideration of the institutional problem; evolution; political: power expressed in the history of the system of organs, state power. In addition, the historical analysis in this monograph was carried out on the basis of a class approach, which does not always allow an adequate assessment of the political situation: Finally, the author examined: political processes in Siberia in isolation or in insufficient connection with the processes; occurred in other regions of eastern Russia.

The dissertation and articles by A.D. are of significant interest. Kazanchieva. Having examined the question of the place and role of the Provisional All-Russian Government in the balance of power on the Russian political scene, he formulated a number of conclusions;

HELL. Kazanchiev identified two flanks in the anti-Bolshevik movement: left: (Socialist Revolutionaries, Mensheviks and national organizations? with the leading role of the Socialist Revolutionaries) and right (“a fairly stable * coalition of a number of “moderate” groups”: military, Cossacks, merchants and industrialists, cadets, part of the “revivalists”, as well as the most right-wing ones: elements of the Siberian regionalists, Socialist-Revolutionaries, Mensheviks). , influence* the policy of the Directory, and it was with their help that Kolchak came to power109.

HELL. Kazanchiev records that at the State Conference in Ufa, the balance of power between these two anti-Bolshevik groups did not correspond to the real balance of power between them on an all-Russian scale. As a result of this, in his opinion, “something strange was achieved in Ufa; compromise”, which did not satisfy either the majority of right-wing or the majority of left-wing anti-Bolshevik forces110. But in the end, the Directory A.D. Kazanchiev assesses it as “a coalition of ‘moderate-left’ and ‘moderate-right’ with a slight tilt to the left.”

HELL. Kazanchiev=believes that * the attempt to combine fundamentally heterogeneous political elements in an environment of their acute confrontation was doomed from the very beginning. In his opinion, the overthrow of the Directory* was the result; irreconcilable struggle between the “moderate left” and the “moderate right” both within this body itself and between its left part and the Council of Ministers.

In his opinion, the Kolchak coup was organized; not by representatives of the far right part of the anti-Bolshevik camp, but by military and civilian political groups, republican in their political ideals and oriented towards a dictatorial form of government - only for situational, pragmatic reasons

111 situations caused by the conditions of the civil war. .

Thus, we can say that researchers have created a great foundation in the study of history; state power; Siberian counter-revolution:. It is expressed in the problems posed, significant, although not sufficient; the volume of historical sources introduced into scientific circulation, various conceptual explanations of the fate of the Siberian anti-Bolshevik statehood. Emigrant historiography showed the anti-Bolshevik movement as being torn apart by the internal struggle of “socialists” and “whites”. Soviet historical science, based on the class approach, saw the counter-revolution as fundamentally unified, led by the forces of bourgeois-landlord reaction, recognizing the forces of petty-bourgeois democracy; only the role of a temporary and non-independent cover: bourgeois dictatorship. In modern Russian historiography: with all the pluralism of approaches and assessments, one can identify the features of the emerging new concept, anti-Bolshevism; characteristic of showing the heterogeneity and diversity of counter-revolutionary political forces, recognizing their independence, striving for their own ideals and interests; taking into account geopolitical factors;

At the same time, a number of key issues for this topic have not yet been resolved in historiography: B; Do they include such problems as the reasons that determined the general direction and nature of the transformations? the Siberian regime in the summer - autumn of 1918, the specific mechanisms of this evolution at the programmatic-ideological, institutional and personal levels, the nature of changes in inter-party, party and group relationships within the anti-Bolshevik movement, the degree of mutual conditionality; political processes throughout eastern Russia. Similar opinions about promising directions for further research have been repeatedly expressed by historiographers 112. Within the framework of this problem field, the tasks of this study were determined;

The purpose of this study is to study the genesis and evolution of the nature and scale of state power of the Siberian counter-revolution in May - November 1918.

To achieve the goal; The goals are planned to solve the following tasks: to trace the process of the emergence, development and liquidation of the highest bodies of state power of the anti-Bolshevik movement operating in Siberia in May - November 1918; consider the dynamics of legitimacy, structure and functions of the highest bodies of state power of the Siberian counter-revolution; analyze the relationships between political forces and* groupings within the state apparatus; Siberian authorities - counter-revolution; highlight the process of consolidation of state power in the east of Russia, the role and place of government officials in it; the Siberian counter-revolution; identify the main factors that determined the direction of the integration process; identify the specifics of state power, the Siberian counter-revolution in comparison with other anti-Bolshevik regimes that existed in the summer - autumn of 1918 city ​​in eastern Russia;

The object of this study is the Siberian counter-revolution. The subject of study is the highest bodies of state power created under the auspices of the “Omsk government”.

The geographical scope of the study is flexible. They cover the territory that was under the control and jurisdiction of the Provisional Siberian Government, that is, Altai, Yenisei, Irkutsk, Tobolsk, Tomsk provinces; Akmola, Semipalatinsk, Turgai regions, Troitsky and Chelyabinsk districts of the Orenburg province, Kamyshlovsky highway Shadrinsky< уезды Пермской губернии, Златоустский уезд Уфимской? губернии; При рассмотрении процесса: консолидации государственной? власти? привлекаются материалы и по иным территориям: востока России: - Забайкалью, Дальнему Востоку, Уралу и Поволжью, также в рассматриваемый период полностью или частично находившихся под юрисдикцией омской власти.

Chronologically * the study is limited * to May-November 1918. The initial boundary is determined* by the moment when the West Siberian; The commissariat of the Siberian Provisional Government announced the seizure of power< в свои руки; положив: начало существованию государственной^ власти сибирской контрреволюции; конечная - временем; когда на: востоке России была установлена военная диктатура и: процесс обретения; сибирской государственной: властью всероссийского масштаба? завершился; При(анализе истоков государственной власти сибирского антибольшевизмамы обращаемся к событиям конца 1917 - первой половины 1918 г.

Sources on the history of the civil war in Siberia in general and the Siberian counter-revolution in particular have been repeatedly subjected to special source analysis in the dissertations and monographs of T.V.; Semenova113, E.I. Barvenko!14, A.P. Bayonet115, S.F: Fominykh1 16, A.P. Volgina!17, A.N. Nikitina!18, V.I. Tymchika 119,. S.V; Dro-kova120, E.V. Lukova^21.

The authors of source studies have come to the conclusion that the source base for studying the history of the civil war in Siberia is enormous in volume, diverse, and very contradictory in nature. It is typical of extreme subjectivism and even outright forgeries, caused by acute political confrontation.

This study is based on a broad and diverse documentary base, including published and unpublished sources. Published sources include documentary publications prepared by professional researchers, publications of legislative acts carried out by state authorities of the anti-Bolshevik movement; periodical press materials, memoirs; and diaries of participants in the events described. Unpublished sources include documents extracted from central and local archives.

An important and valuable group of sources on the history of the Siberian counter-revolution consists of publications of documents carried out by Soviet, emigrant and modern Russian; researchers.

First of all, these are publications of legislative acts - State

122nd meeting in Ufa, West Siberian Commissariat*, and Times

123 of the Siberian Government. The publication of the minutes of the State Meeting in Ufa, prepared by A.F. Izyumov, an employee of the Russian Foreign Historical Archive in Prague, has great information potential. Finally, these are the publications of individual documents or complex thematic collections, including journals and minutes of meetings of various government bodies , official statements; correspondence, negotiations on direct communication with government officials of the anti-Bolshevik movement. They contain information about the Siberian anti-Bolshevik underground in the winter - spring of 1918 and the events of the summer of 1918 in the Far East124, Temporary;

125 government of autonomous Siberia, the creation of the Provisional Regional Government of the Urals126, the most important forums of a number of: political groups operating on the Siberian political scene in the summer - autumn" 1918

127 128, the activities of representatives of the Union for the Revival of Russia, diplomatic aspects of the activities of the “Vologda mission” to Dal

129 German East in September 1918, participation in the State Conference

130 in Ufa the delegation of the Provisional Siberian Government, as well as the Committee of Members of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly and the Socialist Party

131 132 leaf revolutionaries, Kolchak coup

In addition, in the 1950-1980s: the years in the USSR, a number of documentary collections were published dedicated to the history of the civil war in certain regions of Siberia. Some of them contained materials on the history of state building and * the political process in the counter-revolution

133 deportation camp. However, in general, the selection of documents was very fragmentary and tendentious in nature:

A group of sources with significant originality and great information potential consists of published forensic investigative materials that arose during the prosecution of the leaders of the anti-Bolshevik movement in the east of Russia by the Soviet government. These are transcripts of interrogations of A.V. Kolchak members of the Extraordinary Commission of Inquiry in January - February 1920134, and materials of the trial of members: Kolchak ruler

135 stva in May 1920, court hearings! trial of B.V.; Savinkov*36. Data sources< содержат ценную >information about political positions, government officials; Siberian counter-revolution, the struggle for power in eastern Russia in the fall of 1918.

Among: published sources, do official publications of government authorities occupy a special place? Siberian: counter-revolution. These are, first of all, the official texts of legislative and regulatory acts published in* “Collection of resolutions and orders of the West Siberian Commissariat* of the Siberian Provisional Government” (31 acts) and; “Collection of Legislations; and; orders of the Provisional Siberian Government" (248 acts), as well as the official bulletin of the Provisional Siberian Regional Duma, in two editions of which transcripts of the first meetings of the August session were published: the Duma, a number of adopted acts, information characterizing the composition of the 137th deputy housings.

We used 16 sets of newspapers published in< Владивостоке, Екатеринбурге, Иркутске,.Красноярске, Новониколаевске, Омске, Самаре, Томске, Уфе. Это официальные издания и газеты, издававшиеся эсеровскими, областническими; кадетскими, а также кооперативными? организациями.

The newspapers “Sibirsky Vestnik”, “Bulletin of the Committee” have the greatest information potential among official publications; members of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly", "Bulletin of the Provisional All-Russian Government", "Government Bulletin". Among the independent press, it is necessary to note the newspapers “Zarya” and “Sibirskaya Rech” (published in Omsk), “Sibirskaya Zhizn” (Tomsk), “People’s Siberia” (Novonikolaevsk).

Periodicals are* one of the most important sources on the history* of the Siberian counter-revolution. This significance is due to the complex nature of this species; sources containing information on various aspects of society:

Declarative, legislative, regulatory and organizational and administrative acts of the West Siberian Commissariat, the Provisional Siberian Government, the Provisional All-Russian Government, the Russian Government and their bodies were published in official periodicals:

In addition, periodicals contain rich material on the political history of the anti-Bolshevik movement. - review articles, statements and interviews with political figures, chronicles of events, polemics on political issues and a whole range of other materials.

There are a large number of diaries and memoirs of figures of the anti-Bolshevik movement in Western and Eastern Siberia, in the Urals; Far East, Volga region. Their authors had different political orientations and belonged to right-wing, centrist and left-wing counter-revolutionary circles. Most of them held government positions, some were public figures during the period under review.

The memoirs of figures of the Provisional Siberian Government include the book of the business manager, rich in information; West Siberian Commissariat, then the Soviet

138 nistr of the Provisional Siberian Government G.K. Ginsa. , memoirs of the Minister of the Provisional Siberian Government2 I.I. Serebrenniko

139 VA, diary of the head of the Provisional Siberian Government P:V. Vologodsky140. Memoirs of G.K. Ginsas contain a unique amount of data; about political; historical accounts of the Siberian anti-Bolshevik movement, although their author tried as much as possible to veil the contradictions and internal struggle in the political elite of the Siberian counter-revolution. Memories I:I. Serebrennikov's s are interesting; first of all, description; events of September 1918, when their author, heading the Siberian delegation at the State. meeting in Ufa, played one of the key roles on the political scene. In the diary of P.V. Vologodsky is dominated by a tendency towards self-justification and refutation of reproaches; in the anti-democratic nature of the political role of P.V: Vologodsky.

This study used the memories of figures of the Provisional Siberian Regional Duma I:A. Yakusheva!41 and M:A. Krolya142, containing important information about the anti-Bolshevik underground, the emergence of the Provisional Siberian Government, the political struggle of the summer-autumn 1918, especially on such issues as the August session of the Sibobl Duma and the September crisis.

The memoirs of members of the Directory V.M.: Zenzinov143, A.A. are important for covering the activities of the Provisional All-Russian Government and the Kolchak coup. Argunova144, V.G. Bol

145 holes.

At; in covering the process of consolidation of state power in the east of Russia, the memoirs of the comrade chairman of the Provisional Regional Government were used; Ural JI.A. Kroll!46, leader of the anti-Bolshevik movement in Transbaikalia, Ataman G.M. Semenov147, leaders of the Samara Committee; members of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly N.S. Burevoy148, I.Y. Maisky149, N.V. Svyatitsky150, B: JI. Utgof151, Chairman of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly of V:M. Chernova152.

The political position of the right circles, the political situation of October-November 1918 helped to illuminate the diary of the leader of the Siberian ca

153 children V.N. Pepelyaev and; memories of the Siberian cadet leader A.S. Soloveitchik!54.

In general, published sources form the basis of this study. However, it would be impossible to verify information from published sources, clarify and5 significantly supplement it without using the information; contained in archival documents.

For these purposes there were; unpublished documents extracted from 17 funds of 6 central and local archives were involved. For; of this study, the materials of the funds of the West Siberian Commissariat, the Administrative Council of the Provisional Siberian Government were especially important; State1 meeting in: Ufa, Extraordinary Investigative Commission" in Omsk, Foreign Department at the Committee of Members of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly in the State Archives of the Russian Federation, Provisional Siberian Regional Duma in the State Archives of the Tomsk Region, the Si-Bistparta Foundation in the State Archives of the Novosibirsk Region The greatest information potential is possessed by the office work documents contained in these funds - journals, minutes and transcripts of meetings and meetings, orders, instructions, circulars. relationship; reports, reports, statements, other? official correspondence. Adjacent to them are informal correspondence and texts of direct conversations between various officials.

In general: the study is based on a broad and diverse source base. For objective reasons, the source base of the study contains certain gaps that do not allow us to illuminate certain aspects of the stated topic, for example, to more thoroughly examine the political position of the leading government figures of the anti-Bolshevik movement in the east of Russia, to more unambiguously and clearly outline the hidden, “conspiracy” component of the activity; opposing political groups. As for the inconsistency characteristic of? sources of the period under review, she; is not; an insurmountable obstacle. Moreover, subject to a critical approach and mutual: verification of information from various sources, subjectivity and bias of the authors; historical: evidence allows us to more deeply and comprehensively show the range of political and ideological positions, the nature and intensity of the struggle.

Generally; identified and used source; The source base allows you to solve the problems posed in the dissertation essay and achieve the intended goals.

The methodology of this study includes three main levels of approaches: general scientific, general historical5 and; specifically historical.

In the first case, the dialectical method of thinking, understood as a universal method of comprehending the contradictions of development: being, spirit and history, in particular, was of greatest importance to us; characterizing the direction, form and result of development; principle of negation? denial.

The main general historical method on which this study was based was the principle of historicism, which involves the analysis of phenomena as developing over time and having an interconnection.

The optimal balance between the empirical and theoretical parts of the study was achieved through a combination of historical and? logical approaches, and the truth of scientific knowledge" - as a result of the conscious and consistent use of the principle of objectivity.

Among the specific historical methods used in this study, it is necessary to name source studies, historical-genetic and comparative approaches.

In addition, an important role in the study; played the theoretical tools of modern political science; mainly - the theory of the political process A.F: Bentley155.

According to Bentley, the struggle for state power is described as mutual pressure between social groups ♦ (“interest groups”) and; constitutes the main content of the political process: The category “political process” covers two types of relations: firstly, informal, real and group, since the “interest group” is its primary one; subject, and, secondly, derivatives, official-institutional, representing a projection of group interests. Key characteristic; The political process is a transition from one alignment and relationship of political forces to another, from one balance and equilibrium of forces through its disruption to a new equilibrium. Bentley viewed the “group” as fundamental< единицу (или? «частицу») политики. Он утверждал, что групповое: взаимодей

156 action constitutes the reality of political life.

Taken together, these approaches* provide a set of evaluation algorithms; the use of which made it possible to build scientific research: around truly pressing problems and solve the assigned problems.

Most of the terms used have a generally accepted, widely used * interpretation in historical writings. Only the key ones for this study require special consideration? concepts.

In contrast to the Marxist system of qualifying political forces based on class criteria, in: the study * uses the traditional one; European political thought scale “left” - “centrists” - “right”. This widely used model for describing the spectrum of political and ideological positions originates from the order of factions established in the French Constituent Assembly of 1789. Since then, the term “right” denoted supporters of the preservation (or restoration) of traditional political forms, the term “left” - forces that demanded an immediate transition to new, “modern”, “non-traditional” forms of power, to a new social system, as a rule, include moderate, liberal political forces. According to one, the center is. not an independent platform; but an intermediate position, depending on what ideological1 and political content is present on the flanks. This study is based on a different one: an approach that considers the center not as a point of compromise, but as a completely independent ideological and political pole.

The term “counter-revolution” during the Soviet period acquired a pronounced ideological connotation and turned into a political label. In > this meaning it is perceived by some modern Russian researchers; However, this term does not belong exclusively to the Soviet Union and is broader. - Marxist historical thought. In fact, the concept of “counter-revolution” goes back to the realities of the Great French Revolution. It is devoid of any emotional connotation and has long been firmly established in the terminological set of European historical science. It is customary to designate those political and social forces that oppose the deepening and development of the revolutionary process or for a complete return to the pre-revolutionary order.

The terms “anti-Bolshevik movement”, “anti-Bolshevism” in; This study denotes the specific form that the counter-revolutionary movement acquired during the civil war in Russia and, in relation to these conditions, they are used as synonymous with the term “counter-revolution”.

CONCLUSION

After the anti-Bolshevik coup at the end of May 1918, the state? Siberian power: counter-revolution; within a few weeks, she managed to create large armed forces, organize the activities of the central and local administrative apparatus, and unite vast territories of the Western and Middle regions under her leadership; and (Eastern" Siberia, the Urals and partly the Urals. As a result; by: mid; summer: 1918, the "Omsk; power" became; one of the two largest and most influential counter-revolutionary regimes in the east of Russia:

The development of Siberian counter-revolutionary statehood was largely determined by fate; the anti-Bolshevik coalition that gave birth to it: Its main components were left and right political forces, primarily represented by the party: the Socialist Revolutionaries and the radical right; officer organizations. However, already on; the first steps of the existence of the anti-Bolshevik coalition; V< ней* выделялся» и третий:- центристский - элемент, представленный в Сибири, в основном; областниками и деятелями кооперации.

Under the conditions of the existence of the anti-Bolshevik coalition, figures from a wide variety of political orientations were attracted to participate in the 5th government. This could not but cause internal struggle; which shook the Siberian state apparatus from the very beginning of its activity. However, despite the fact that the political leadership was initially in the hands of representatives of the left flank of Siberian anti-Bolshevism, during June and the first half of July 1918, the left invariably conceded, and the right, acting in alliance with the centrists, strengthened its influence. This happened because the strengthening of the authoritarianism of power, which corresponded to political ideals; right, corresponded > to the natural tendency of development of power in the conditions; civil war. IN; in search of a source of legitimacy for its existence, the “Omsk government” very quickly moved from an appeal to revolutionary values; to the priority proclamation of national values.

So; Thus, the internal logic of the development of the Siberian anti-Bolshevik statehood clearly moved it to the right. However, already starting from July 1918. political processes in Siberia cannot be considered in isolation from what was happening in other regions of eastern Russia, which was increasingly becoming a single political space. The question is which political force will be able to subjugate everything: the increasingly stronger process of unification of the anti-Bolshevik regimes in the east of the country, who will lead the new central government and the supreme command has become the center of all political life.

It was4 the question of the All-Russian: the authorities stimulated; disintegration of the coalition of anti-Bolshevik forces. July - August 1918 became the time of self-determination, the political forces of the counter-revolutionary camp. The left, closely interacting" with Komuch; went on a counter-offensive, hoping not only to regain the lost position, but also, if possible, to take a dominant position: The right also: intensified the struggle for political hegemony in the anti-Bolshevik movement: During the integration process; both right and , and? the left forces in their struggle were guided by the model of “gathering lands”, trying to simply absorb, incorporate into the framework of “their” state formation the territory controlled by a competitor;

In the process of confrontation between these main antagonists, the final thing happened: the constitution of a centrist current in the anti-Bolshevik camp. The centrists were increasingly separated from the previous alliance1 with the right, and, playing on the contradictions of the left and. right, acted as an independent force. Its institutional form was the Union for the Revival of Russia; functioning as a completely self-sufficient party-political* group. The political positions of the centrist movement, which did not have “its own” state formation and, therefore, armed force, looked much weaker. This made them energetic supporters of the creation of an outwardly neutral “all-Russian power”, standing above all those established in the east; countries by regimes and not directly dependent on any of them. Drawing their political potential from the situation of confrontation between the left and right flanks of the anti-Bolshevik movement, the centrists were not interested in qualitatively strengthening or weakening any of them. That is why they contributed to the > re-establishment in August 1918. The Siberian Regional Duma, which immediately turned into a political center opposing the Provisional Siberian Government.

However, sympathy and support for the most part; state apparatus and: the army allowed the Siberian right in August 1918 not only to repel the attacks of the left and center, but also, despite resistance, to strengthen their positions step by step.

During the continuous and stubborn struggle in September 1918, both right and left anti-Bolshevik forces inflicted a number of heavy blows on each other. This led to the strengthening of the position of the centrists; who won thanks to the political skill of their leaders: this round of the struggle for hegemony in the anti-Bolshevik movementi and; received full control over what was created at the State Meeting<в Уфе Временным Всероссийским правительством.

In conditions when the unification of state mechanisms and; first of all, the armed forces in? on the scale of the entire Eastern Russian political space has acquired real features, incentives to preserve both democratic legal norms and structures; and the anti-Bolshevik bloc itself: they disappeared. “Dictatorship aspirations” were not a monopoly of right-wing circles - all anti-Bolshevik political movements headed towards the formation of a “pure”, non-coalition, politically monolithic state power.

However, the centrist political forces that won in Ufa did not have real resources of power - military, financial, administrative. They drew their political resources precisely from the situation of a forced, insincere, but still existing alliance between the right and left flanks of the counter-revolutionary movement.

As for left-wing circles, in the specific military-political situation that developed in eastern Russia in the fall of 1918, it turned out that the state mechanism of the “socialist” Volga region was not able to compete with the state mechanism of “white” Siberia. Unable to organize a massive, combat-ready army and an effective administrative apparatus, the Samara regime disintegrated under the blows of the Red Army, thereby burying the political chances of not only the left, but also, to a large extent, the centrists:

Omsk Power" and the right flank of the anti-Bolshevik movement that supported it, suffered in September 1918. serious defeat in their claims to political hegemony in eastern Russia, they had the main resource - greater support; part i of the armed forces and state apparatus. In the conditions of the changed military-strategic and political situation, they were able to mobilize and during October - early November 1918, to a large extent, “win back” the lost positions.

Under these conditions, the centrists were forced to give in to the real power of the right flank of the anti-Bolshevik movement; The Kolchak coup only formalized the changes that had already taken place, marked the transition of the leading role in the anti-Bolshevik movement: to its right flank. The state power of Siberian anti-Bolshevism achieved its goal by absorbing competitors and acquiring the initially sought all-Russian scale.

1. Anti-Bolshevik government (from the history of the white movement): Sat. documents. Reply, ed. T.I.Slavko..Tver, 1999.

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